The attempt of some
of activists of
Dalit movement in
India to
internationalise the
issue in World
Conference Against
Racism (WCAR)
concluded in the
first week of
September and follow
up actions have
created an
impression that
there is something
basically wrong in
the ideological
orientation of the
movement. The word
Dalit was coined in
post-colonial India
by the disciples of
Ambedkar. They did
not accept the word
Harijan (Men of God)
used by Gandhi for
the untouchables in
Hindu social order
because of their
aversion against
him. The word Dalit
therefore, became
the vernacular
terminology for the
oppressed classes,
with a wider
connotation for
electoral sociology
in the democratic
polity of the
country.
Mahatma Gandhi
& Dr. Ambedkar: If
we look to the
history of Dalit
movement, it is as
old as the birth of
the concept of
untouchability,
which was the
darkest spot in
Hindu social
structure. Though,
Hindu reformists
tried their best to
fight against this
social evil right
from the days
untouchability was
born, the real
concern over it came
to surface during
the freedom
struggle, when
Mahatma Gandhi and
Dr. B.R.Ambedkar
fought against it in
their own way.
While Gandhi wanted
complete eradication
of untouchability
for emotional
integration of Hindu
society, Ambedkar
was for abolition of
Varnashram structure
of the Hindu social
order.
The conceptual
difference between
the two messiahs of
untouchables
continues to affect
the Dalit movement
even after their
death. While the
disciples rejected
Mahatma Gandhi for
the sake of power
and fulfillment of
their personal
ambitions, Ambedkar
became a symbol of
Dalit movement. A
clue to
understanding
Ambedkar lies in his
hatred of Gandhi.
The activists of
Dalit movement
adopted the same
philosophy against
the upper castes and
are still found
boiling in the anger
generated by their
messiah Ambedkar.
Taking advantage of
the violent
landscape, which
started emerging
since the closing
decades of twentieth
century, the
followers of
Ambedkar adopted the
sole agenda to
create social
disorder and capture
power. In both the
situations, the
process of social
transformation in
Hindu society, which
took off in positive
direction just after
independence got
disturbed.
To understand
the multi
dimensional
direction of the
Dalit movement, we
may briefly look
into the difference
between Gandhi and
Ambedkar on this
issue. During the
first Round Table
Conference, when
Ambedkar favoured
the move of the
British Government
to provide separate
electorate for the
oppressed classes,
Gandhi strongly
opposed it on the
plea that the move
would disintegrate
the Hindu society.
He went for an
indefinite hunger
strike from
September 20, 1932
against the decision
of the then British
Prime Minister
J.Ramsay MacDonald
granting communal
award to the
depressed classes in
the constitution for
governance of
British India.
In view of the
mass upsurge
generated in the
country to save the
life of Gandhi,
Ambedkar was
compelled to soften
his stand. A
compromise between
the leaders of caste
Hindu and the
depressed classes
was reached on
September 24,1932,
popularly known as
Poona Pact. The
resolution announced
in a public meeting
on September 25 in
Bombay confirmed -"
henceforth,
amongst Hindus no
one shall be
regarded as an
untouchable by
reason of his birth
and they will have
the same rights in
all the social
institutions as the
other Hindus have".
This landmark
resolution in the
history of the Dalit
movement in India
subsequently formed
the basis for giving
due share to Dalits
in the political
empowerment of
Indian people in a
democratic Indian
polity.
Even though
Ambedkar was a party
to Poona Pact, he
was never reconciled
to it. His contempt
against Gandhi,
which continued even
after his
assassination on
January 30,1948. On
the death of Gandhi
he expressed, "My
real enemy has gone,
thank goodness the
eclipse is over".
He equated the
assassination of
Gandhi with that of
Caesar and the
remark of Cicero to
the messenger -
"Tell the Romans,
your hour of liberty
has come". He
further remarked, "While
one regrets the
assassination of
Mahatma Gandhi, one
cannot help finding
in his heart the
echo of the
sentiments expressed
by Cicero on the
assassination of
Caesar".
Considering Gandhi
as a "positive
danger to this
country", he
quoted from Bible
that "sometime
good cometh out of
evil, so also I
think good will come
out of the death of
Mr. Gandhi" (
Gandhi and Ambedkar
- Saviours of
Untouchables by
Sheshrao Chavan.
Bharatiya Vidya
Bhavan publication
2001, page 263-64).
The reaction
of Ambedkar over the
death of Gandhi may
be viewed as a
politics of negation
for vengeance
against the caste
Hindus and also for
political power for
Dalits. He felt,
"the problem of
depressed classes
will never be solved
unless they get
political power in
their own hand"
(Thus spoke Ambedkar
by Bhagwan Das). He
however, did not
clarify as to how in
a democratic polity
of pluralistic
society, Dalits
would be the sole
custodians of power.
Post Ambedkar
Dalit Movement: The
post-Gandhian and
post-Ambedkar Dalit
activists
re-invented the
direction of their
movement, which was
by and large
focussed towards
developing the
negative ideas in a
dark room. They
are yet to take the
next step to focus
their negatives in
light for positive
prints. In the
absence of a
scientific endeavour
their movement lags
in its march towards
social reform, as it
has more or less
become a platform
for the political
empowerment of some
individuals for
their personal
ambitions and vested
interests. This is
not only against the
concept of
equalitarian Hindu
sociology of Vedic
India but also
against the concept
of democracy.
The present
clash for Dalit
leadership has
confirmed the theory
of C.Rajagopalachari
that many Dalit
leaders are
interested for
continuance of the
undesirable status
of Dalits for the
fulfillment of their
personal ambitions.
Disagreeing with
Ambedkar on Dalits
issue he said, "…
This is material
explanation for the
violent dislike of
Gandhiji exhibited
by Dr. Ambedkar, who
looks upon this
great and inspired
reformer as the
enemy of the
untouchables,
meaning thereby of
the educated and
ambitious among them
who find that the
depressed status
furnishes short cut
to position ".(
"Ambedkar
Refuted"page 33,
Hind Kitab
Publishers: Bombay
1946)
It may be
partially true that
political
empowerment is key
to social and
economic empowerment
as suggested by
Ambedkar but this
cannot be the sole
criteria for the
social equality of
Dalits. The
representatives (122
-76 SC and 46 ST in
parliament against
its strength of 543
and 1085 -556 SC and
529 ST in state
assemblies against
their strength of
4370) of Dalits in
parliament and state
assemblies in
sizeable strength
have been sharing
political power for
last fifty years.
But if they have
failed to bring a
desired social
change and economic
upliftment of
Dalits, there is
something wrong in
the movement, which
is yet to be
identified. The
students of the
constituting history
have therefore, a
right to know from
Dalit activists the
reason behind the
failure of their
representatives
sharing political
power.
One may be
amused to understand
that how only160
Dalit delegates
under the umbrella
of National Campaign
on Dalit Human
Rights in WCAR would
have fought for the
cause of Dalits in
India if the
representatives of
Dalits sharing
political power
could not assert and
agitate for the
cause of their
community? An
objective analysis
of the prevailing
social condition and
sentiments in India
may corroborate the
theory of
C.Rajagopalachari
that Dalit movement
has become a vehicle
to promote the
personal interest of
some individuals or
groups.
The Dalits
despite empowerment
are not a political
force – why?: In
the absence of an
All India mind with
a cohesive and
unified perspective,
Dalit movement has
also failed to
emerge as a strong
political force.
Dalits are divided
into hundreds of
castes and
sub-castes. About
56 percent of Dalit
population belong to
about 20 dominant
castes among them.
These dominant
castes are presently
grabbing all the
privileges provided
to the Dalits
constitutionally.
Even Dr.Ambedkar
failed to give an
intellectual
explanation to unify
them together, as a
result, his
political influence
during his life time
also remained
confined to only
Mahar caste of his
community in the
Maharashtra region.
Dalit
activists, due to
lack of actual
ideological
direction are not
clear whether they
are interested to
ensure the material
prosperity of Dalits
or equal status in
Hindu social order.
Untouchability has
almost disappeared,
as touch of Dalit is
no more considered
to have any
polluting affect on
caste Hindus.
However, so long the
Dalits enjoy the
benefits of
reservation in
Government jobs and
admission in
academic
institutions, they
may have to bear the
stigma of being
considered unequal
in merit to the
caste Hindus. The
objective of Dalit
movements should be
therefore, to erase
such stigma, which
is possible only if
Dalits get a chance
for their proper
education befitting
to the standard
required for
competitions.
Vested
interests in
Command: Contrary
to the objective of
the movement
discussed above, the
managers of Dalit
movement due to
their vested
interest do not want
their people to be
cleansed from the
stigma of
reservation and the
agony of their past
humiliation of being
treated as
untouchables. In
stead of fighting
for transformation
of the Hindu social
order, they are
found more
interested to
promote themselves
as Esperanto of
United Nations
politics. With
weapon of hate, they
are neither able to
fight against the
social inequality
and injustice
effectively nor in a
position to
contribute any
significant social
change.
In stead of
looking on the
growing
consciousness among
the educated caste
Hindus against the
social evil of caste
discrimination
against Dalits and
appreciating this
positive change, the
Dalit activists
ignore and
understate the
development. Their
sole aim is now
pointed towards
personal ambitions
at the cost of their
community. This has
created a new class
of Brahmins among
the Dalits, who are
now exploiting the
actual Dalits by
grabbing the
benefits meant for
the latter. This
may look like a
paradox, but it is
the hard reality.
The on going Dalit
movement is
gradually losing its
track. Its
multi-dimensional
character based on
the philosophy of
love and hate is
unfortunately turned
into political
theocracy, which is
contrary to the
basic concept of the
total transformation
of Hindu social
order. Inciting
the Dalits against
the caste Hindus for
historical agony
without any honest
effort for their
emotional
integration with
rest of the Hindu
social order is
neither in the
interest of this
disadvantaged
section of
population nor in
the interest of the
nation.
The shrinking
influence of the so
called Brahminsm in
electoral politics,
social
transformation,
spiritual movement,
or even other public
affairs are enough
indications of
gradual changes in
Hindu sociology.
Dalit movements with
a view to create
social disorder by
promoting caste
hatred against the
upper castes of
ancient Varnashram
system will simply
halt the process of
the on going social
transformation.
With their political
empowerment by
occupying the post
of President, Union
Cabinet ministers,
Chief ministers, and
bureaucrats, Dalits
are gradually
getting more
opportunities for
achieving social
empowerment under
democratic process.
By gaining more
confidence, Dalits
are now found to be
quite assertive of
their rights. This
however, does not
mean that they have
been acceptable in
community dining or
inter-caste
marriage, which is
not even prevalent
within the various
Dalit castes.
The objective
of any social reform
movement is to
ensure a peaceful,
decent and dignified
life for every body
without any social
confrontation. But,
unfortunately the
Dalit activists are
so obsessed and
possessive in their
approach towards the
historical agony of
their community that
they have made the
latter as prisoners
of Dalitism, which
hardly has any
constructive plan
for creation of a
just social order.
Their slogan for
abolition of
Varnashram
(professional units)
system and total
abolition of caste
is an utopian
concept, which will
never take root in
the diverse and
pluralistic Indian
society.
Casteism is
the bane of Indian
society but the
Indian people accept
caste as a hard
reality. Even the
Christians and
Muslims boast
themselves of their
upper caste
heritage. In South
India even
Christians are
maintaining visible
distance from the
Dalit Chritians as
the latter continue
to have separate
church, separate
burial ground and
even separate places
for social
interactions.
Similarly, even
Muslims in India and
Pakistan there is no
inter- caste
marriage among the
Sheiks, Syed,
Paithan and others
because of their
upper caste heritage
before conversion.
The three
Dalits groups and
their separate
agenda: As far as
the present Dalit
movement is
concerned, it is in
the hands of three
vested interest
groups of Dalit
politicians, Dalt
writers and Chrisian
missionaries.
Dalit political
leaders like Kansi
Ram and Ms Mayawati
of Bahujan Samaj
Party and Ram Vilas
Paswan of Lok Jana
Shakti are having
their influence
exclusively among
the members of their
own community. They
can never come to
power on their own
due to their limited
influence among the
voters. For coming
to power they are
compelled to join
some other parties
dominated by caste
Hindus. They are
therefore, hardly in
a position to bring
any social change.
The second
group, which claims
to be the champion
for the cause of
Dalits is of Dalit
writers. Their
personal ambition
and ego have kept
them away from the
common Dalits, who
are illiterate and
poor. They are
more interested in
their self-promotion
than serving the
cause of their
community. Their
possessiveness is
often mistaken as
love for Dalits.
Since they do not
get enough space in
media to spit venom
against the caste
Hindus and are
hardly in a position
to play an effective
role in electoral
politics, they are
always in search of
the forces through
which they could get
national and
international
recognition.
They have
therefore, joined
hand with forces
(third group)
determined to
disintegrate the
Hindu society.
The interest
of the third group
in Dalit movement is
to de-Hinduise the
Dalits and promote
their
proselytisational
endeavour. The
argument of this
group that Christian
society does not
have any caste
discrimination is
not based on ground
reality. The Dalit
Christians are
facing the problem
of caste
discrimination even
in Christian
society. Such
discrimination is
prevalent in Kerala
even after the death
of Dalit Christians,
whose corpses do not
find any place in
the cemetery meant
for upper caste
convert Christians.
T.V.Rajshekhar, a
Dalit writer, while
speaking in a
seminar (Church and
Dalit) organised by
Christian leaders in
Madras on June 14,
1986 said that Dalit
Christians form
about 80 percent
Christian population
in India but
contrary to what
Jesus Christ
preached, the Dalit
Christians are also
the victim of caste
discrimination as
they have separate
burial ground,
separate churches
and separate
dwelling places.
Ever since the
promulgation of
presidential order
No 19 of 1950
debarring the Dalits
of non-Hindu and
non-Sikh community
to be included in
the list of
Scheduled castes,
the Christian
missionaries have
been facing
difficulty in
alluring the Hindu
Dalits for their
conversion. For
this they have
already launched a
movement for
constitutional
privileges for Dalit
Christians. If they
succeed in
alienating the
Dalits from Hindu
social order, the
entire Dalit
community will get
the benefit of
constitutional
provisions and it
will help them in
their mission for
proselytisation.
Indian Social
Institute(ISI), a
Roman Catholic
Mission outfit
organised a meeting
on "Durban and Dalit
Discourse: Post
Durban Scenario" on
September 20. The
meeting was
organised with a
view to forming a
"broad alliance of
disadvantaged
section of society
to battle the status
quo that would
prefer to keep them
on the periphery of
the country's social
structure" (Hindu
dated September 24).
The move of the
institute is to
internationalise the
issue. Had it not
been so, it should
first cleanse the
Christian society in
Kerala. In fact the
Christian
missionaries are
also facing a
dilemma of the
isolation of Dalits
from the affluent
sections of the
community. Dr.
Prakash Luis,
Executive Director
of ISI said, "There
is a sense of
vertical divide
within the community
between the socially
mobile 'Brahmanical
Dalits' and the real
Dalits among Dalits".
Conclusion: In
the backdrop of the
dialectics of Dalit
movements, it
appears that the
Dalits have now
become the victims
of the politics of
Dalitism being
played by various
groups. Instead of
fighting the evils
of caste
discrimination in
Hindu society, the
Dalit movement has
given birth to neo
Dalitism, which
hardly has any
difference with the
polluted
Brahmanism.
The movement,
which does not have
the ingredients to
bring about
reconciliation among
conflicting social
groups and fails to
accelerate the
process of social
harmony and human
dignity, is bound to
lose real
direction. Dalits
should therefore be
very careful about
the politics of
Dalitism being
played by vested
interests not only
at the cost of the
disadvantaged
community but also
at the cost of
social harmony,
which is more
dangerous for the
nation.
(The
analysis in the
paper is based on
the personal
perception of the
writer. E-mail:
ramashray60@yahoo.com)
